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    VOICES & OPINION

    Power Fantasies: The Truth About Chinese ‘Chiefs’ in West Africa

    From “infrastructure chiefs” to “chiefs of the Chinese,” a number of Chinese have been awarded chieftainships in Africa. Their powers are less glamorous than many imagine, however.

    On Dec. 1, 2019, Li Manhu, a young immigrant from the northwestern Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, posted a video on Douyin of him performing his duties as an officially appointed chief in Nigeria. The video, which attracted more than 420,000 views and nearly 7,000 comments, is just one of 139 clips Li has posted about his life as a chief — content that’s earned him half a million followers on the platform.

    China’s fascination with Africa has boosted the profile of a number of influencer accounts like Li’s. The popularity of such content reflects both Chinese society’s growing interest in Africa as a land of opportunity, as well as the average Chinese person’s still-limited understanding of life on the continent. Even by these standards, however, the videos and posts dedicated to the “Chinese chief” lifestyle tend to be filled with exaggerated or untrue information, including claims of chiefs with their own armies, owning hundreds of hectares of land, or enjoying polygamous lifestyles.

    Outside of China, meanwhile, the existence of Chinese chiefs slots neatly into narratives about China’s ambitions in Africa. Neither side pays much attention to the chiefs’ actual powers and responsibilities, which are usually limited in scope.

    Given the widespread ignorance about the lives of Africa’s Chinese chiefs, I was curious: Who are these people? And how did they earn their titles?

    The first thing to know is that Chinese chiefs are few in number. Based on a study of Chinese and international media reports, I could identify just 24 Chinese who were granted chieftainships in Africa between 1986 and March 2023, though the real number may be somewhat higher.

    The first was Eric N. Y. Chu, a Hong Kong businessperson who was appointed in Lagos in 1986. Chu’s chieftainship was followed by a gap of 15 years, but the number of Chinese chiefs has grown rapidly over the past decade, with 16 Chinese receiving appointments between 2012 and 2022. The vast majority of Chinese chiefs live and work in West Africa, with Nigeria accounting for 21 of the awarded chieftainships.

    The second thing to know is that they are not unique. The chieftain system has a long and diverse history, but its current form dates to the colonial period. Although newly independent African countries attempted to abolish the system as an imperial relic, chiefs have made a comeback over the past 30 years thanks to a combination of democratization, neoliberal economic reforms, and new international development paradigms.

    In the democratic context, a chief is a bridge connecting politicians and voters; his endorsement not only helps political parties secure votes, but also gives him leverage to ensure politicians fulfill their promises. Economically, after decades of neoliberal reform, chiefs have begun to fill the role vacated by governments in driving development. Their authority has also been bolstered by international development agencies, who have gradually turned away from government partners in favor of partnering with influential locals.

    The chieftain system in West African countries was particularly adaptive. As early as 1985, the King of the Ashanti people in Ghana, Otumfuo Opoku Ware II, drew inspiration from the practice of developed countries having “international development offices” and established the title of Development Chief (Nkosuohene) under his jurisdiction, granting this person the power to mobilize resources and develop the economy. This system quickly became popular in southern Ghana, where local Ghanaians, overseas Africans, and white Europeans and Americans all received the title.

    Naming foreign chiefs became a way for African countries to leverage domestic and foreign resources and promote economic investment. Unsurprisingly, the number of Chinese chiefs rose as Sino-African economic ties developed over the past 20 years. As many as 1 million Chinese now live on the continent, primarily engaged in construction and commercial projects. Many have established themselves in their new homes, whether professionally or socially, making them prime candidates for chieftainships.

    It’s important to note that the chief title corresponds to different levels and powers, and some chiefs can also confer the title of “honorary chief” — essentially an advisor or subordinate chief. Unlike how chiefs are imagined in Chinese popular culture, the vast majority of Chinese chiefs mainly serve as advisors or subordinate chiefs to locals. Their power is informal, and the main task of Chinese chiefs has been to provide support and service on issues of concern to the chiefs who conferred their titles.

    In my research, I found there are basically four types of Chinese chiefs. The first category is the “infrastructure chief.” Most of these chiefs are employees of Chinese enterprises engaged in construction. For example, in 2019, Kong Tao, manager of the business department of the China Civil Engineering Construction Company Nigeria, was named Engineering Director Chief (Wakilin Ayyuka in the Hausa language) by the Emir of Jiwa district in Nigeria’s capital, Abuja. This honor was obviously not personal, but a form of encouragement to Chinese companies to promote local infrastructure.

    With the expansion of the Chinese community in Africa, there have also been a number of what could be called “chiefs of the Chinese.” Most of these chiefs are private entrepreneurs who have lived in Africa for a long time and have credibility among the local Chinese community. In 2019, Zhang Guangyu, a Zhejiang-born businessperson, was awarded the title of Kano Chinese Chief (Wakilin Yan Chana Kano in the Hausa language) in Kano, a city in northern Nigeria. As the Emir of Kano put it: “Now there are more and more Chinese in Kano, and someone needs to be responsible for managing the affairs of the Chinese community and coordinating disputes between African businesspeople and Chinese businesspeople.”

    Essentially, Zhang became a member of the Emir’s council, advising him on affairs related to economic development and the Chinese community in Kano — a far cry from an independent chief with an army and hectares of land.

    The third type of Chinese chief is essentially an honorary title, typically given for personal business achievements and the stimulation of local employment and investment. Gan Jiaxuan, a Zhejiang-born businessperson who won the title of Chief in the Kogi State in 2019, went to Africa after graduating from university to work in the wood-processing industry. At the time of his award, his firm employed nearly 200 people, and he had assisted Zhejiang enterprises in making investments and opening businesses. His title, Gbeluniyi of Bagido Land, or “bringing glory to Bagido,” reflects these accomplishments.

    Yu Zhangbao, a professor at Xiamen University, is representative of the fourth category of Chinese chief: cultural and educational chiefs. Yu served as Dean of the Confucius Institute at Nnamdi Azikiwe University in Nigeria for two years. In 2019, he was awarded the title of Ezi Oyi 1 of Unizik, or “First Friend of the University.”

    In general, although West African society seems to have a positive view of Chinese chiefs, there have been creeping doubts related to their performance, reasons for being granted titles, and their identity as outsiders. On Sept. 5, 2020, timber merchant Sun Qiang was awarded the title of Development Chief in Kwahu Abetefi, Ghana, and given the name of Benefactor (Ayeboafo in the Twi language). Critics on social media argued that he had no Ghanaian lineage, making him unsuitable to serve as a chief. Some accused his trade activities of being driven by personal interests rather than community development. And many questioned the legitimacy and transparency of the enstoolment process. Due to external pressure, Sun ultimately gave up the title, but said he would continue supporting the region’s development.

    It’s true that Chinese in Africa are typically engaged in private enterprise, and the question of how to balance their personal interests with those of their community while challenging negative perceptions of private business owners and foreigners is a challenge that many are unprepared to handle. However, treating the existence of a handful of Chinese chiefs as proof of China’s encroachment on African affairs is likely an exaggeration.

    According to research by Dutch scholar Marijke Steegstra, there were at least 54 foreign chiefs in Ghana in 2006, including 14 Americans, 11 Dutch, seven British, seven Germans, five Swiss, three Japanese, two Austrians, two Canadians, one Australian, one Belgian, and one Jamaican. By 2012, the number of foreign chiefs in Ghana had increased to around 70, none of whom were Chinese. In my own research, I found Ghana has named just two Chinese chiefs to date: one in 2019 and another in 2020.

    What sets the Chinese chiefs apart is not their title, but their background. Non-Chinese chiefs hail from a diverse array of fields: They are entrepreneurs and government officials, scholars and musicians. Chinese chiefs, with the exception of scholars like Yu, are primarily engaged in business.

    Ironically, one of the main sources for disinformation about Chinese chiefs are influencer-chiefs like the above-mentioned Li. An infrastructure chief who was awarded his title while working for the state-owned CGCOC Group, Li has talked in his videos about the privileges of chieftainship, including the right to marry multiple women, to pass on his title, and to rule land free from government interference.

    While some of these claims are grounded in truth, Li seems to be exaggerating them for effect. I have yet to come across any Chinese chiefs who have taken multiple wives; few bring their kids or families to Africa, much less intend to pass on their titles; and while some Chinese chiefs have been awarded land, they are best thought of as caretakers, rather than independent landholders.

    The growing number of Chinese chiefs in Africa reflects the increasingly active role played by Chinese on the continent. It also highlights that this engagement remains primarily economic and investment-driven, rather than comprehensive. Rather than fetishize the chief lifestyle or raise alarmist fears of neocolonialism, more attention should be paid to the real challenges and opportunities faced by Chinese in integrating into African society.

    Translator: Matt Turner; portrait editor: Zhou Zhen.

    (Header image: Li Manhu (center) poses for a photo during his enstoolment ceremony in Nigeria, 2019. From Ningxia Daily)